By Deborah Cook
Theodor W. Adorno and Jnrgen Habermas either champion the target of a rational society. despite the fact that, they vary considerably approximately what this society should still seem like and the way most sensible to accomplish it. Exploring the premises shared by means of either serious theorists, besides their profound disagreements approximately social stipulations this present day, this e-book defends Adorno opposed to Habermas' influential criticisms of his account of Western society and customers for attaining average stipulations of human existence. The publication starts with an outline of those severe theories of Western society. either Adorno and Habermas stick with Georg Lukacs after they argue that domination is composed within the reifying extension of a calculating, rationalizing type of concept to all parts of human existence. Their perspectives approximately reification are mentioned within the moment bankruptcy. In bankruptcy 3 the writer explores their conflicting debts of the ancient emergence and improvement of the kind of rationality now time-honored within the West. given that Adorno and Habermas declare to have a serious buy on reified social lifestyles, the serious leverage in their theories is classed in bankruptcy 4. the ultimate bankruptcy offers with their opposing perspectives approximately what a rational society may seem like, in addition to their claims in regards to the customers for developing the sort of society. Adorno, Habermas and the quest for a Rational Society can be crucial examining for college students and researchers of severe conception, political thought and the paintings of Adorno and Habermas.
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Additional resources for Adorno, Habermas and the Search for a Rational Society (Routledge Studies in Social and Political Thought)
38 More important, when he attributes largely symbolic functions to the lifeworld and largely material functions to the subsystems, Habermas renders problematic the degree and nature of the priority that the lifeworld actually enjoys because he also concedes that “maintenance of the material substratum of the lifeworld is a necessary condition for maintaining its symbolic structures” (TCA II, 151). Here the lifeworld is described as grounded in a material substratum without which it could not even begin symbolically to reproduce itself.
Today, the exchange principle has become the “social model” for the principle of identiﬁcation because it reduces both human activity and human beings themselves to the same commensurable numerical values. As the social model for the principle of identiﬁcation, the exchange principle ampliﬁes the identity-thinking that has characterized our relations to nature ever since we confronted the threats nature poses by coercively identifying it with our concepts. Habermas is certainly correct when he observes that identity-thinking “lies deeper historically than the formal rationality of the exchange relation, although it does ﬁrst gain its universal signiﬁcance through the differentiation of the medium of exchange value” (TCA I, 378).
For Habermas does not resolve satisfactorily the question of the division of labour between system and lifeworld. While acknowledging that the lifeworld engages in (unspeciﬁed) tasks of material reproduction, he has also argued that, without a degree of symbolic interaction within the systems themselves, “formally regulated social relations could not be sustained, nor could organizational goals be realized” (TCA II, 310). Consequently, the economic and political subsystems are socially integrated to a certain extent.